The social and economic integration of Romans and Italiot Greeks in the Greek cities.
Networks of mobility of “entrepreneurs”, merchants and other professionals.
The cases of Athens and the Ionian islands*

Sophia Zoumbaki

The long-lasting relations of the Greek world with the Italian peninsula can be traced far back in time in mythology, while the first contacts of Greeks with the West, which are testified by archaeological finds, are dated to the Mycenaean period and were due mainly to economic motives. This approach reached its peak with the colonization of the 8th century BC, and remained continuous ever since, as philological, epigraphic, numismatic and archeological sources show. The colonies of Magna Graecia maintain close emotional bonds with mainland Greece, which are expressed through contacts of the colonists with sanctuaries, festivals and athletic games of the Motherland, especially with the ones famous throughout Greece. Dedications at important shrines, names of winners at panhellenic games, contacts with oracles, such as Delphi or Dodona, show that religion was a powerful bond between the Greek colonists and their place of origin. Despite all, however, economic activity by colonists throughout the Greek mainland appears to be quite sporadic. Attestations of economic activity of Romans in the East before the 3rd century BC are even rarer.

The two regions chosen to be examined as case studies for the presence of Italiots and Romans in Greece, i.e. Athens and the Ionian islands, are two characteristic examples. None of the two areas attracted these people for any particular religious reasons, such as those mentioned above, since they did not organize one of the four panhellenic games and did not have sanctuaries or oracles of a panhellenic importance. There were thus different reasons for the presence of Italiots from the 5th century BC in Athens and the 4th century BC on the Ionian islands as well as of Romans from the 3rd century on the islands and the 2nd century BC in Athens. Due to its intellectual and artistic production, Athens had always attracted people engaged in various relative activities, while an important number of metics benefited from the economic opportunities offered in the city and its important harbor of Piraeus. As for the Ionian islands, they formed a notional borderline dividing the Mediterranean, but also a bridge, a crossroad over which passed travelers and goods. Thus, their position on the route connecting East with West was a significant advantage, making them a ‘gate of entrance’ into Greece for those sailing from Italy to the East.

Connections of Italiots and Romans with the Greek lands become closer from the 3rd century BC onwards, as economic and social developments in Rome urge merchants to turn to the East. The activity of the merchants in the East was enhanced by the eradication of Illyrian pirates from the Adriatic, which the Romans undertook during the Illyrian War (228/7 BC). The reason for this campaign was that Illyrian pirates, as stated by Polybius (2.8,1), attacked the ships sailing from Italy to the eastern Mediterranean and frequently robbed and killed the merchants. This testifies Rome’s support of safe seafaring and trade, also offering an excellent opportunity for Rome’s gradual political and military expansion into the Balkan peninsula .

The testimonies included in the Project refer to private Italiot and Roman individuals with a permanent or transitory presence in Athens and the Ionian islands, who participated in the political, economic, social or cultural life of these places where they resided or died. Therefore, the important figures of the political life of Magna Graecia, who are named in alliance treaties or sojourned for short periods in Athens and the Ionian islands as official representatives of their cities for political or military reasons, are not included here unless their physical presence is documented as a result of their personal initiative. The interactive map aims at depicting clearly the activity of less-known people who developed private relations with Athens or the Ionian islands, and were engaged in multifarious – mainly economic – activities.

The project does not exclude proxenoi, since – although they played the role of diplomatic mediators between their homeland and other cities – their approach often sparks from their private activities and their personal interests, which serve, or precede, their role as diplomats. In fact, there are researchers stating that the proxenoi exclusively represented trade interests (agentes mercatorii). However, this could not have been a general rule, as evidence from the sources shows. Because of the fragmentary nature of the testimonies, it is not always possible to define the degree and intensity of personal relations of the proxenoi with the cities that granted them proxeny, as it is not always easy to discern the extent of use of important privileges that often accompanied proxeny, such as γῆς ἔνκτησις, i.e. the permission to acquire land.

As for the presence of the remaining Italiots and Romans in Athens and the Ionian islands, it is in some cases possible to trace the reasons of their presence, while in other cases we know nothing apart their name and origin. A prerequisite for depicting persons on the interactive map is reference of their ethnic name in the related source. The origin of the Italiots is given either with a reference to their hometown or wider area of origin, or with a general definition as “Italians/Italiots/Italics” or “Sicilians”. The ethnic “Ἰταλός/Ἰταλιώτης/Ἰταλικός” can simply signify origin, but it may also signify the personal legal status, as opposed to the Roman citizen before the Lex Plautia Papiria (90/89 BC), a law which expanded Roman citizenship to communities of Roman allies in Italy. Further, the ethnic “Roman” does not necessarily indicate an individual originating from Rome. It is possible that it stands for the Roman citizen or simply an individual from Italy, who, either a Roman citizen or not, was a “Roman” in the eyes of the Greeks. Since it is not always possible to identify the origin and legal status of people named with one way or another, the “Italians” and “Romans” of Athens and the Ionian Islands are recorded here exactly as they are mentioned in the sources.

We avoid including – apart from very few cases – individuals who can be indirectly identified as Romans, but are not mentioned explicitly as such in the sources. In Athens, for example, prytanic and ephebic catalogs include already from the 2nd century BC onwards Roman names that allow the assumption that their bearers may have been individuals of Roman origin. When, however, these names are accompanied by Athenian demotics, it means that, even if they were of foreign origin, they had already become citizens of Athens. These persons are not included here, since as a rule they do not bear full Roman names, but only isolated Roman onomastic elements (nomina simplicia, mainly praenomina), which combined with Athenian demotics do not allow us to understand, whether we are dealing with Athenian citizens who arbitrarily bore a Roman name without having acquired Roman citizenship, or whether they were Roman citizens residing in Athens, whose long complex names did not sound familiar to the Athenians and were thus adapted to the Greek naming system, i.e. name + patronym + demotic. On the contrary, a certain Μάρκος Κορνήλιος Γαΐου, mentioned at the end of the 3rd – beginning 2nd century BC in Same, Cephallenia, is obviously a Roman, since a full Roman name cannot be borne by a Greek of that early period, given that the diffusion of Roman citizenship in Greek poleis becomes frequent from the first decades of the 1st century AD6, while earlier it is sparingly given.

The first attestations of Italiots in Athens are dated to the Classical period. They are sporadically found in sources and it seems that they sojourned in Athens for shorter or longer periods for a variety of reasons. A certain Φάυλ[λος] from Croton, lends a helping hand to the Athenians as a naval captain at the Battle of Salamis, and is also known for his participation in panhellenic games. Others are merchants of cereals, such as Σώπατρος Φιλιστ[ίω]νος from Akragas, Διοκλῆς and [- - -]ίππος, both from Katane. Others are occupied with the Arts and Letters, such as the hypokritai Ἀριστόδημος from Metapontum and Ἀρχίας from Thurii, the didaskalos of men’s chorus of the Aegeis tribe during the Dionysia of 328/7 BC Χαρίλαος from Locri, the comedy poet Ἄλεξις Στεφάνου from Thurii, the New Comedy poet Φιλήμων Δάμωνος from Syracuse, or the historian Τίμαιος from Tauromenium. All aforementioned individuals obviously considered Athens to be a center of cultural life and therefore believed that even a short stay there would give them a prestige necessary for the advancement of their careers. Some of the foreigners who sojourned in Athens for larger periods had the opportunity to take active part in local public life, such as the tragic hypokrites Ἀριστόδημος from Metapontum, who appears to have lived in Athens from 390 to 340 BC and to have taken part in a presbeia (embassy) of the city to the King of Macedonia Philip II. All these Italiots engaged with Letters and theatre are dated to the 5th and 4th century, while only the kitharode Νικοκλῆς Ἀριστοκλέους from Tarentum appears to have stayed in Athens during the 3rd century BC.

Among the metics of various origins who established themselves in Athens and were engaged in some field of local economic life during the Classical period, there may have been individuals from Southern Italy and Sicily. In only one, however, fragmentary decree (IG ΙΙ2 61) dated to before 378/7 BC, an individual from Sicily – from whose name only the initial Ἀ[-ca.6-] is preserved – is exempted from the metoikion, a privilege granted to his descendants as well. He is the only metic originating from Magna Graecia, of whom we know with certainty. A few funerary inscriptions of the 5th and 4th c. BC testify that certain people from Magna Graecia died in Athens. These were perhaps also cases of metics engaged in economic activity, but their funerary inscriptions do not give so many details.

During the Hellenistic period, testimonies concerning Italiots living in Athens for a short period of time or permanently propagate. A considerable number of these individuals are known from their funerary monuments, the overwhelming majority of which are marble colonnettes. It is obviously impossible to verify, whether they lived permanently in the city or died during a brief stay there. The numerous funerary monuments, though, do not leave much room for cases of accidental death of all these persons during a short stay in Athens. Their ethnics reveal origin from various towns or regions of southern Italy and Sicily, but their engagements are rarely mentioned. It is possible that these persons are engaged, as do other metics, in profitable activities such as trade or banking, for which the harbor of Piraeus, but also Athens, was conducive. The economic flourish of Athens increases further after 167 BC, when Delos becomes a duty-free port under Athenian supervision. Communities of Italiots and Romans, as of other foreigners as well, settle on the island and come into direct or indirect contact with Athens. One of these people may perhaps be Σπόριος Ῥωμαῖος, a hieropoios of the Ptolemaea in Athens around 150 BC, who is identified by Elias Kapetanopoulos with the homonymous hieropoios of the Apollonia of Delos in 144/4 BC (ID 2594, 39).

Romans are attested in inscriptions of Athens from the 2nd century BC onwards. One of them is the architect Δέκμος Κοσσούτιος Ποπλίου who was hired by Antiochus IV Epiphanes of Syria for the completion of the Olympieum and is honored in Athens in 175 BC. A handful of funerary inscriptions of Romans survive from this period, while during the second half of the 2nd century BC Romans can be found in prytanic and ephebic catalogs. Some ephebes are defined as “Ῥωμαῖος”, while others do not bear any ethnic name or bear Athenian demotics, yet their Roman names leave no doubt about their origin, since in this early period Roman citizenship was yet frequent among the Athenians. Such names attested in the prytanic catalogs also indirectly point to naturalized Romans. However, this category of epheboi or prytaneis, who do not bear the ethnic Ῥωμαῖος, are not included in the present study.

The presence of Romans in Athens still remains lively during the 1st century BC. The century begins with the domination of the pro-Roman political faction, which mainly included persons connected to Delos and its Roman population. When the King of Pontos Mithridates Eupator wins support of a large part of the Athenians – as was the case in other cities as well – since he appeared as the liberator from the Romans, the faction loses their leading position in Athens. The Athenians paid a dear price for joining Mithridates when Sulla sieged and captured the city and punished its citizens11. In the same period, Delos, having went through the Ephesian vespers, i.e. the slaughter of the Romans living on the island by the troops of Mithridates and his allies, and a few years later the invasion of the pirate Athenodorus, is no longer the commercial center of the eastern Mediterranean, and Athens thus loses an important economic advantage.

The Romans, however, do not abandon Athens. Roman officials take any chance to visit the city that still attracted visitors because of its touristic and cultural interest. Roman elite youngsters are attracted mostly by its intense spiritual life and spend some time in the city, which remains Hellados paideusis (e.g. Cicero, T. Pomponius Atticus, [Λε]ύκιος Σωφήιος Ἀπ[πίου ὑός] and his brother [Ἀππιος Σωφ]ήιος Ἀππίου ὑός, both students of the Epicurean philosopher Phaedrus and friends of their two aforementioned more renowned compatriots). Ephebic catalogs of the 1st century BC show that Romans continue to take part in the ephebeia, either as foreigners or as naturalized citizens of Athens.

The naturalization of Romans in Athens on the one hand and the spread of Roman citizenship to Athenians on the other, make it difficult to discern Romans from locals from the early 1st century AD onwards. The more Roman citizenship, and consequently Roman names, propagates among Athenians from the first decades of the 1st century AD, the harder it becomes to distinguish Roman citizens coming from Italy from Roman citizens originating from Athens. A rare case of a Roman living in Athens, whose ethnic is epigraphically attested, is Μάρκος Πόρκιος Κάτων Ῥωμαῖος/[M(arcus) Por]cius [M(arci) f(ilius) Cato Tus]cula(nu)s, member of the prominent Roman family of Porcii Catones. The way his identity is rendered in his bilingual funerary inscription is quite characteristic, as the Latin version contains a more detailed form of his name and a more precise definition of his place of origin, not simply as a Roman, but as a Tuscula(nu)s. This is a clear indication that many “Romans” found in Greek inscriptions did not necessarily originate from the city of Rome, but use this ethnic to describe their Italian origins, and mostly their Roman citizenship. Prosopographical and onomastic studies enable tracing western origins of certain persons, who play a specific role in public life of Athens during the early Imperial period. However, if these people are not mentioned explicitly as Romans in the sources, they are not included in the present study.

The contacts between the Ionian islands and the West is long-standing. Archaeological finds testify the interaction between the two sides of the Adriatic Sea both on the level of culture and trade. The extensive contacts of the islands with the West can be traced in numismatic and archeological evidence: coins from the islands are found in Italy, while Italian pottery has been found on the Ionian islands; vice versa pottery of the islands has been also found in the Italian peninsula, the most characteristic example being the Korkyraean amphorae, which can be discovered at several spots of the Mediterranean, from Marseille and Mallorca to Carthage and Euesperides (today’s Benghazi), and, of course, at numerous places on the Adriatic.

The strategic position of the islands on the sea routes of the Mediterranean made them a ‘gate of entrance’ for those sailing from the West to the East and vice versa. The ships moving eastwards and westwards passed between the Ionian islands and the mainland shore of the southern Balkans, as the sea-currents and weather conditions made it difficult to cross the Adriatic directly almost throughout the year. This is also shown by the importance of the dioryktos, the channel between Leukas and the mainland. The itineraries between the islands and the mainland led from the north of Korkyra to the straits of Otranto, where the distance between the two opposite shores of the Adriatic is quite small, making it the crossing point.

The earliest presence of westerners on the Ionian islands is epigraphically attested on Leukas and is to be dated to the 4th century BC, Παρμονίσκ[ος] Ἀριστοφῶν[ος] Συρακόσιος (IG IX 12 4, 1308, perhaps 4th c. BC). A number of foreigners of other origins is attested on Leukas as well: [- - -] Συρακόσιος and two others with Greek names on a funerary columela of the 3rd century BC (IG IX 1, 595· IX 12 4, 1277), [Ἀ]ρχῆς [Δ]εξιλάου [- - -]ωνιάτης, perhaps [Κροτ]ωνιάτης (IG IX 12 4, 1386, 3rd c. BC). It is interesting that during the Hellenistic period, a Greek from Marseille named Demetrios is also attested on Leukas.

The first Roman citizen to have lived on the Ionian islands is documented at the end of the 3rd/beginning 2nd century BC; it is Μάαρκος Κορνήλιος Γαίου living at Same of Cephallenia according to the catalogs of the thearodokoi of Delphi. His origin is not given, but his name betrays his Roman identity, since it is impossible that this name was borne by a Greek in that early period. The fact that he appears as thearodokos means that he is established on Cephallenia, where he can host the theoroi of Delphi. His installation on Cephallenia is obviously associated with his connection to some lucrative business.

From the 2nd century BC, the installations of Romans on the Ionian islands increase in number. Livy (33. 17, 11) informs us that at the beginning of the 2nd century BC a community or Romans lived on Leukas and helped the soldiers of Flamininus conquer the town, despite the fierce resistance of the locals. The bilingual funerary inscription of A(ulus) Cossinius Philocratis Puteolanus (2nd/1st c. BC) gives a snapshot of the extensive trade network around Leukas. The name Cossinius is found not only at Puteoli from where this man originates, but also at Buthrotum, as well as Delos and Kos. Therefore, the inscriptions depict the branches of a merchant family which is spread throughout the eastern Mediterranean.

Certain inscriptions in Latin witness the existence of a Latin-speaking community on Cephallenia, which advertises its origin and identity. It is worth mentioning two Latin funerary inscriptions of veterans of the 1st century AD, that attest to two individuals originating from Italy, who chose to live after their discharge –for some reason not mentioned on their gravestones– on Cephallenia, where they died. One of them is C(aius) Quintius C. f., of the Publilia tribe, from Verona, who served as legionnaire in the Legio IIII Scythica and in the centuria of C(aius) Aninius and the other is Ditius Pa[- - -] from Savona (a seaside town today in northern Italy near the borders with France), a veteran known from his funerary inscription on a cippus (small pillar). The latter served for 35 years in the Roman army as faber navalis, i.e. shipbuilder, responsible for building ships under the guidance of the architectus navalis, who designed the ships and made all the measurements. The reason why such a skilled craftsman would end his life on Cephallenia, having willingly chosen to settle there after 35 years of service, is not mentioned in his funerary inscription. We can, perhaps, guess it. A closer look at the island’s coinage, which often depicts a pine cone, offers a possible explanation. The pine cone is obviously not depicted as a decorative motif, as the coins of ancient cities usually depicted elements from the flora, fauna and sea world that constitute the important sources of income of the region. The island has a specific type of pine-tree, the abies cephalonica, which gives magnificent wood for shipbuilding. Romans would not have overlooked this natural resource, as they always were in the lookout for the best raw materials throughout the Empire. The faber navalis had probably found there a top raw material for shipbuilding, and must have had the opportunity to get to know the island during his military service.

The Romans unquestionably were aware of important exploitable natural resources on the other islands as well. The greatest advantage, however, was perhaps the very position of the islands on the sea routes that connect East to West. Their harbors, located right on this crossroad, would definitely host merchants from Italy and other regions of the Mediterranean who would stop over. This probably accounts for the presence of a Latin-speaking entrepreneur who stopped over at Ithaca and left traces of his presence carving on a potsherd his name, profession, address and the date (October 1, 35 BC) of his visit of a shrine-cave at the Polis cove, where the Homeric hero Odysseus was worshiped. His name was Epaphroditus Novi and he was an ungentarius de Sacra Via, i.e. a perfumer who was established on the commercial street of Sacra Via in Rome. We do not know whether his destination was Leukas, where the aromatic substance irinum Leucade was produced from the Leukadian iris (Plin. Nat. Hist. 21.19, 42) or whether Ithaca was simply a stop-over on his way to or from a center of fragrance trade in the East.

There is obviously a great number of Italiots or Romans, the presence of which is not attested in inscriptions, such as the Romans who, according to Appianus (12.6, 45) lived on Zakynthos during the Mithridatic Wars, similarly to those mentioned above as living on Leukas at the beginning of the 2nd century BC. Moreover, Roman officials had knowledge of the islands from their voyages to the East, and, due to their proximity to Italy, chose them as places of their residence when they happened to fall into disfavor or were exiled. Strabo (10.2, 13) mentions that Caius Antonius, uncle of Marc Anthony, was exiled on Cephallenia after his term as consul (63 BC), held the entire island as a personal property (τὴν ὅλην νῆσον ὑπήκοον ἔσχεν) and founded there a town, before being allowed to return to Rome.

**The names of persons in the text with bold letters can be searched in the interactive atlas by name or origin and are accompanied by reference to sources and detailed notes.

1 On the legends, see. Cabanes P., L’Adriatique dans l’Antiquité, in: Cabanes P. (ed.), Histoire de l’Adriatique, Paris 2001, 27 et seq.; on the archeological remains, see Greco Ε., Archeologia della Magna Grecia, Roma-Bari 1992; and Preka-Alexandri K., Scheseis tes Kerkyras me ten Italia kai Sikelia mechri te Romaiki epochi (Relations of Corfu with Italy and Sicily until the Roman era), in: Pappas Th. (ed.), Hellenike praousia sten Kato Italia kai Sikelia. Acts of International Symposium, Corfu, 29-31 October 1998, Corfu 2000, 69-79. On the identity of the Italiot Greeks and the degree of the survival of Hellenism in Magna Graecia, see Lomas K., Rome and the Western Greeks 350 BC – AD 200. Conquest and Acculturation in South Italy, London-New York 1993, 99 et seq.

2 For the reasons of Roman outreach during the 3rd c., see Crawford M. H., Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic. Italy and the Mediterranean Economy, London 1985, 28-29; Alföldy G., The Social History of Rome, Baltimore 1988, English transl. of Römische Sozialgeschichte, Wiesbaden 1984, 29-30, 37; Zoumbaki S., The Presence of Italiote Greeks and Romans in Aetolia, Acarnania and the Adjacent Islands from the 3rd c. BC to the Beginning of the Imperial Age, in: De Sensi Sestito G. - Intrieri M. (ed.), Sulla rotta per la Sicilia: L’ Epiro, Corcira e l’ Occidente, Pisa 2011, 524.

3 Shipley G., The Greek World after Alexander, 323-30 BC, London-New York 2008, 371-372; Eckstein A., Conceptualizing Roman Imperial Expansion under Republic: An Introduction, in: Rosenstein N. - Morstein-Marx R. (ed.), A Companion to the Roman Republic, Oxford 2010, 570.

4 The various views are summarized in Marek Chr., Die Proxenie, Frankfurt am Main-Bern-New York 1984, 359 et seq. (with relevant bibliography) doubting the interpretation of proxenoi as agentes mercatorii.

5 Brunt P. A., Italian Manpower 225 B.C.-A.D.14, Oxford 1987, 204 et seq. An exception form cases of Italici – beyond Athens and the Ionian islands – dated with certainty after the Lex Plautia Papiria, attested in the inscriptions IG IV 604 (67 BC) and CIL I2 746; ILLRP 320; CIL III 531; ILS 867 (69 BC) from Argos, ILLRP 370; ILGR 80, see Rizakis A. D., Achaie III. Les cités achéennes: Épigraphie et histoire [ΜΕΛΕΤΗΜΑΤΑ 55], Athènes 2008, no. 131 (74 BC) from Aigion.

6 On Athens, see Byrne S., Roman Citizens of Athens, Leuven-Dudley 2003, p. XII.

7 On the economy of Delos and the presence of Romans, see indicatively Hatzfeld J., Les Italiens résident à Délos, BCH 36 (1912), 5-218; Zalesskij Ν. Ν., Les Romains à Délos (de l’histoire du capital commercial et du capital usuraire romain), in: Coarelli F. - Musti D. - Solin H. (ed.), Delo e l’Italia [Opuscula Instituti Romani Finlandiae 2], Roma 1982, 21-49; Roussel P., Délos, colonie Athénienne, Paris 1987; Rauh Ν. Κ., The Sacred Bonds of Commerce: Religion, Economy, and Trade Society at Hellenistic Roman Delos, 166-87 B.C., Amsterdam 1993; Reger G., Regionalism and Change in the Economy of Independent Delos, Berkeley-Oxford 1994.

8 Fisher R., From Polis to Province: An Analysis of the Athenian Governing Class from 167/6 B.C. to A.D. 13/4 [Doctoral thesis, McMaster University] 1986, 81-106.

9 Byrne, Roman citizens of Athens, p. XII.

10 As for example, the archon for three years Medeios, the all-mighty leader of the pro-Roman faction. On this see Fisher, From Polis to Province, 175 and 207-210.

11 Appianus, Mithridatic Wars 38–39, 41; Plutarch, Sulla 14.3–7.

12 Zoumbaki, S., Where East Meets West: Mobility between the Two Shores of Adriatic and the Impact of Roman Presence on the Economy and Identity of the Island Societies of the Ionian Sea during the Late Hellenistic and Roman Periods, under publication in: Kouremenos A. (ed.), Insularity and Identity in the Roman Mediterranean (under publication).

13 Wirbelauer Ε., Landesgeschichte als Meeresgeschichte. Antike Seerouten und Seefahrten im Gebiet der mittleren Ionischen Inseln, in: Οlshausen E. - Sonnabend H. (ed.), Zu Wasser und zu Land. Verkehrswege in der antiken Welt [Stuttgarter Kolloquium zur historischen Geographie des Altertums 7, 1999], Stuttgart 2002, 401-402.

14 IG IX 1, 590; IX 12 4, 1284. Cf. Lomas K., Romanisation and Cultural Identity in Massalia, in: Lomas Κ. (ed.), Greek Identity in the Western Mediterranean. Papers in Honour of Brian Shefton, Leiden-Boston 2004, 475-498, on the Greek cultural identity in Marseille.

15 Plassart A., Inscriptions de Delphes. La liste des théorodoques, BCH 45 (1921), 15 II 146. On the dating of the Delphic catalogs of the thearodokoi, see Oulhen J., Les théarodoques de Delphes [Doctoral thesis, Université Paris X-Nanterre] 1992, 303-304, 329-332, 485.

16 Brunt, Italian Manpower, 208.

17 IG IX 12 4, 1451.

18 IG IX 12 4, 1548.

19 Zoumbaki S., Where East Meets West (under publication).

20 Zoumbaki S., The Exploitation of Local Resources of Western Greece by Roman Entrepreneurs (3rd-1st c. BC), Revue Belge de Philologie et d’ histoire 90 (2012), 77-92.

21 IG IX 12 4, 1620, see also Zoumbaki, The Presence of Italiote Greeks and Romans, 531. The fragrance trade, the commercium unguentarium, was flourishing on Via Sacra, cf. CIL VI 1974; ILS 7610.

Alföldy G.,The Social History of Rome, Baltimore 1988, αγγλική μετ.τουRömische Sozialgeschichte,Wiesbaden 1984.

Brunt P. A., Italian Manpower 225 B.C.-A.D.14, Oxford 1987 (επανέκδ. της 1916 με επίμετρο).

Byrne S., Roman Citizens of Athens, Leuven-Dudley 2003.

Cabanes P., L’Adriatique dans l’Antiquité, στο: Cabanes P. (επιμ.), Histoire de l’Adriatique, Paris 2001, 25-108.

Crawford M. H., Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic. Italy and the Mediterranean Economy, London 1985.

Eckstein A., Conceptualizing Roman Imperial Expansion under Republic: An Introduction, στο: Rosenstein N. - Morstein-Marx R. (επιμ.), A Companion to the Roman Republic, Oxford 2010, 567-589.

Fisher R., From Polis to Province: An Analysis of the Athenian Governing Class from 167/6 B.C. to A.D. 13/4 [Διδακτορική διατριβή, McMaster University] 1986.

Greco Ε., Archeologia della Magna Grecia, Roma-Bari 1992, ελλ. μετ. Σουέρεφ Κ., Αρχαιολογία της Μεγάλης Ελλάδας, Αθήνα 2001.

Hatzfeld J., Les Italiens résident à Délos, BCH 36 (1912), 5-218.

Lomas K., Rome and the Western Greeks 350 BC – AD 200. Conquest and Acculturation in South Italy, London-New York 1993.

Lomas K., Romanisation and Cultural Identity in Massalia, στο: LomasΚ. (επιμ.), Greek Identity in the Western Mediterranean. Papers in Honour of Brian Shefton,Leiden-Boston 2004, 475-498.

Marek Chr., Die Proxenie, Frankfurt am Main-Bern-New York 1984.

Oulhen J., Les théarodoques de Delphes[Διδακτορική διατριβή,Université Paris X-Nanterre] 1992.

Plassart A., Inscriptions de Delphes. La liste desthéorodoques, BCH45 (1921), 1-85.

Πρέκα-Αλεξανδρή K., Σχέσεις της Κέρκυρας με την Ιταλία και Σικελία μέχρι τη Ρωμαϊκή εποχή, στο: Παππάς Θ. (επιμ.), Ελληνική παρουσία στην Κάτω Ιταλία και Σικελία. Πρακτικά Διεθνούς Συμποσίου, Κέρκυρα, 29-31 Οκτωβρίου 1998, Κέρκυρα 2000, 69-79.

Rauh Ν. Κ., The Sacred Bonds of Commerce: Religion, Economy, and Trade Society at Hellenistic Roman Delos, 166-87 B.C., Amsterdam 1993.

Reger G., Regionalism and Change in the Economy of Independent Delos, Berkeley-Oxford1994.

Rizakis A. D., Achaie III. Les cités achéennes: Épigraphie et histoire[ΜΕΛΕΤΗΜΑΤΑ 55], Athènes 2008.

Roussel P., Délos, colonie Athénienne, ανατύπ. της έκδοσης του 1916 επαυξημένη με πρόσθετη βιβλιογραφία και επιγραφικές αντιστοιχίες από τους Couilloud-Le Dinahet M.-T. –Etienne R, Paris 1987.

Shipley G., The Greek World after Alexander, 323-30 BC, London-New York 2008 (ανατύπωση της έκδοσης 2000).

Wirbelauer Ε., Landesgeschichte als Meeresgeschichte. Antike Seerouten und Seefahrten im Gebiet der mittleren Ionischen Inseln, στο: Οlshausen E. -Sonnabend H. (επιμ.), Zu Wasser und zu Land. Verkehrswege in der antiken Welt [Stuttgarter Kolloquium zur historischen Geographie des Altertums 7, 1999], Stuttgart 2002, 399-406.

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