Furniture from antiquity to the preindustrial era

Dimitra Andrianou

The study of ancient furniture has been combined during the last decades with the study of iconography and ancient houses. With the discovery, however, of the richly furnished Macedonian tombs, interest concerning this field of study has been rekindled. Recent studies on the topic, combined with written sources and archeological remains, offered a fresh impetus to the understanding of indoor spaces – residential or funerary –, raising new questions.

The Krepis Project offered the opportunity to study deeper and on a broad time spectrum the relative furniture terminology and the way it changes or remains the same throughout the centuries. More specifically, we have gathered, in a specially designed database, the terms describing beds, tables and seats in inscriptions, philological texts, letters, Byzantine papyri, notarial or ecclesiastical registers, loose notarial and other legal documents (dowry contracts, testaments, inventories, property lists) from the age of Homer until the pre-industrial era. The material was divided into four researchers followingly:

-.Greek and Roman Antiquity: Dimitra Andrianou (ΤΕRΑ)

-.Byzantium: Maria Leontsini – Ilias Anagnostakis (ΤΒΕ)

-.Pre-industrial era: Dimitris Dimitropoulos (ΤΝΕ)

Ancient furniture

Concerning Antiquity, in particular, the philological sources (temple inscriptions on shrines and classical literature) offer abundant but not always precise information on their use, while they sometimes give more than one names (terms) for one and only type of furniture. For example, terms such as κιβώτιον, κοιτίς, κιβωτός do not correspond to three different types of chests. In the inscription IDélos 1444 Aa. 34-37 from the Artemision of Delos, the specific terms appear to describe chests of similar size, material, decoration, construction or value.

The inscriptions also attest to types of furniture unknown from excavations (e.g. kylikeia). During Antiquity, various types of furniture were used in temples, either for cultic practices or for the safekeeping of the pilgrims’ offerings (for example various types of chests). Temple inscriptions from shrines, for example the Acropolis at Athens or Delos, include inventory lists of furniture kept in the temple. These lists were renewed with new inventories that took note of missing or damaged objects. We often find inscriptions noting furniture repairs, thus demonstrating their use. They are quite important for gathering relative terminology.

Despite all, contemporary ancient sources mentioning furniture are few. In the 5th century BC, furniture is referred to by philosophers, such as Plato, as objects of luxury. Towards the end of the same century, the so-called Attic stelai, which note the confiscated property of Alkibiades and his companions, are a valuable source of terminology, some terms of which can also be found in later texts of the 4th and 3rd century BC. On the other hand, in the “’ὠναί”, where the property to be sold or rented is mentioned, and where there are frequent references to houses, furniture does not seem to be lent, sold or pawned. One inscription about a lease with a collateral "τεῖ οἰκίει ὅλει" (all that is in the house – 4th century BC) from Olynth refers to a loan of 4,500 drachmas, and it is not known if the phrase "τεῖ οἰκίει ὅλει", and therefore the amount of the loan, includes the furniture as well. It is common in epigraphical texts about buying and selling objects to mention each object separately, such as the doors, the pottery, the pithoi and the vessels, as in the case of IG II 5, 872.

Texts, such as Menander (4th century BC), Athenaeus (3rd century AD) and later lexicographers (such as Polydeuces), which mention terms from older times, complete the image of furniture in private spaces. From the Deipnosophistae of Menander we learn that some pieces of furniture were lent from wealthy to less wealthy proprietors. For the Roman period texts were also indexed, such as the Satyricon of Petronius, written probably in the 1st century AD. There, in a luxurious house, we can better understand the position of the furniture as the narrative flows. Furniture terminology was also gleamed from texts by Ovid (Metamorphoses), Varro (De lingua Latina), Livius (Ab urbe condita), Apuleius (Asinus Aureus), Pliny (Historia Naturalis), Suetonius (Caligula) and Juvenal (Satires), and, of course, the technical treatises of Vitruvius. New types of furniture, such as the arcisellium, a seat with a round back, appear during a period when luxury and its demonstration is obvious.

The database also includes excavated furniture dated to the period under study. However, attention must be given when matching terms from all the aforementioned sources and archaeological findings. At this point, studies, such as the works of Darrell A. Amyx and William K. Pritchett on the terminology of the Attic stelai, and that of Elfriede Brümmer on the small chests, are quite helpful for recognizing the types of furniture referred to with more than one word.

Another interesting aspect of the relevant terminology is the geographical terms by which specific types of beds or diphroi are mentioned in the sources. We read about Chian, Milesian or Sicilian beds without knowing if this specific geographical epithet refers to where the beds were made, their specific type or the origin of their makers. These terms, however, attest for a particular network of construction knowledge transfer. We do not have concrete examples of the form of a Chian bed, but the repetition of the term in the Attic stelai, in Athenaeus, as well as in the sacred inscriptions of the Parthenon, outlines a network of knowledge. The properties, function and types of materials are closely connected with the way such a network functions, intersecting technicians with techniques. Besides, such knowledge networks in the Mediterranean constitute material for particular case studies6. The database was designed from the beginning to meet the needs of the project; it includes the following fields:

-.ID (entry serial number)

-.Documentation (where there is mention of either finding or text indexed)

-.Term (as mentioned in the sources)

-.Category (the larger group the term belongs to given in Modern Greek)

-.Description (if referring to source, or the description of the object if from excavation)

-.Use (domestic, funerary, cultic)

-.Location (found, if from excavation, or if referring to source). The location coordinates are quite important for depicting the term on the map

-.Material (if referring to source or its description, if from excavation)

-.Dating (of the finding or dating of the source)

-.Sources (philological)

-.Commentary (latest bibliographical description or publication, if from excavation)

-.Depiction (of the objects from excavation, in separate photo folder)


Andrianou D., The Furniture and Furnishings of Ancient Greek Houses and Tombs, Cambridge 2009.

Brümmer E., Griechische Truhenbehälter, JDI 100 (1988), 1-168.

Cahill N., Household and City Organization at Olynthus, New Haven-London 2002.

Pritchett W. K., The Attic Stelai, Part I, Hesperia 22 (1953), 225-299.

Pritchett W. K.,The Attic Stelai, Part II, Hesperia 25 (1956), 178-317.

Rebay-Salisbury K. - Brysbaert Α. - Foxhall L. (επιμ.), Knowledge Networks and Craft Traditions in the Ancient World, Material Crossovers, New York 2015.

Richter G. M. A., The Furniture of the Greeks, Etruscans and Romans, New York 1966.

Σισμανίδης K. Κλίνες και κλινοειδείς κατασκευές των Μακεδονικών τάφων, Αθήνα 1997.

Byzantine furniture. Production and trade. Characteristic examples from papyri, documents, historiographical texts, and Hagiography

Supervisor: Ilias Anagnostakis

Contributor: Maria Leontsini

For the compilation of the database on furniture we focused mainly on the study of the testimonies found in Byzantine papyri (3rd – 8th c.) 7. Additionally, only characteristic relevant indications were chosen from Byzantine historiography and hagiography, as well as from two documents, as an example, one from the 5th c. (a letter) and one from the 13th c. (a testament) 8. The letter, in particular, offers more than any other source a plethora of evidence on the trading of luxury household objects from Alexandria in Egypt to Constantinople, and allows the search, based on certain findings, for corresponding networks of trading similar objects to Italy, Rome and Ravenna during the 6th century.

It is worth noting that the information about the household items mentioned in the letter leave no room for doubt, contrary to other sources characterized by rhetoric and archaeognostic pretentiousness, and they do not, therefore, always reflect precisely the realities of large cities or provinces of the Empire, where the writers lived and worked (Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, Rome, Asia Minor, Cyprus, Syria, Palestine) 9. The letter (which survives in Latin and thus its terminology raises a great deal of interest), together with the rich gifts it makes reference to, were sent to the Patriarch Cyril of Alexandria in Constantinople in 432/3. It relates amounts of money and gifts (among which many pieces of ivory furniture) that had to be handed out to a number of officials, mostly cubicularii in Constantinople, in order to buy support in the theological Christological disputes, of which Cyril, as Patriarch of Alexandria, was a prominent figure. According to the commentators of the letter, who have calculated the number and value of the gifts, 77,760 gold coins, 60 scamna (seats), of which 8 of eburnean ivory, 14 cathedrae eburneae (ivory thrones), and a number of curtains and furniture covers, such as 36 throne covers, 22 mensalia (tablecloths) and many scamnalia (seat covers) were sent from Alexandria to Constantinople.

As for the Byzantine papyri in Egypt, mainly in those with various documents, such as buying and selling, lists of household property or testimonies, we also find rich reference to furniture, but their often-mentioned trade provides little evidence for tracing networks. At best, we could assume of the existence of a network of trading between Alexandria and Egyptian nomes and small towns. Most furniture (beds, tables, chests, seats) are mentioned as wooden, however there are mentions of various other material as well. For example, a wooden table is described as one-ply, while certain beds, obviously from wood, are called “light”. There are, however, also references to tables from copper, glass, alabaster, as well as metal seats. Certain 6th – 8th-century cases and cabinets are from wood, ebony, ivory, but also copper and silver.

Finally, a reference to κράβακτον Αἰγύπτιον, i.e. an Egyptian-type bed made of willow, is useful concerning the typology of furniture in 3rd-century papyri11. Certain references of 2nd and 3rd-century papyri to tables from heather (μαγίς ἐρικίνη)12, and τράπεζα κουρική and δίφρον κουρικόν13, are also interesting. Furthermore, although the type of furniture and the word δίεδρος–δίεδρον is ancient, and find them often in Hellenistic papyri, the form διέδριον is more commonly found in Late Antiquity, and is most often found within medicinal context. It has been assumed to be a type of chaise longue, but it seems to be translated as “a double seat, a kind of carriage with seating for two”. It should be noted, though, that in documents concerning the selling or buying of houses, as in that of the heather table mentioned earlier, both the material and the prices are mentioned, which can allow for important conclusions on the economy, the various price ranges for each time period and the furniture trade.

And one last question-remark: how can we explain the relatively small presence of luxury and especially ivory furniture in Byzantine papyri, when in comparison these papyri have such a large time span in relation to the gifts of only one moment in time, as in the case of the letter to Cyril? If the answer is not lying behind a coincidental salvage of certain documents and papyrological material, it should be moderately simple: the papyri mentioned concern rural nomes of Egypt, which, despite their relative prosperity, do not compare to the wealth of Alexandria. This explains the frequent references to objects from wood, willow or heather, next to the rare objects from ebony or ivory. Alexandria, a grand administrative, economic and cultural center, is essentially supplied by its African hinterland, the Ethiopian Axum, the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, each and every valuable material (gold, silver, ivory, etc) and processes it promoting, in turn, the goods either as trade goods or as gifts throughout the Mediterranean, and mostly Constantinople, Palestine, Antioch and Rome.

During the early Byzantine period, furniture made of precious metals or with luxurious decorations were carried across large distances as imperial gifts, and were usually included in the terms of agreements signed between Byzantium, the Persian kings and the Avar Chagan16. Gold beds (or daybeds?) were found among the valuable items that the Byzantine Emperors such as Justinian I and Maurice sent to the Chagan of the Avars17, or the gold table that was also sent by the latter to the King of Persia Chosroes II (591), who had conquered Daras18. The Χρυσόπαστος τράπεζα (a table decorated with gold) was among the valuable items taken by the Avars from Singidun (today Belgrade) and brought to Sirmium (591/2) in exchange for the end of its siege19. Forged beds of gold and valuable tables were also in the possession of the Hunns-Turks (Avars), who collected taxes from the Persians, and their state extended from the Danube to the Dneiper, the Elba and the Baltic states20. When, however, they were defeated in Svania (Kolchis) by the Persian Baram, general of king Hormizd IV, the valuable funitire was carried as loot to the capital of the Persian kingdom, Ktesiphon (589/90). The fact that we have information on the transports and exchanges of this valuable furniture between the leaders of the 6th century (as loot or gifts), without the relative archeological documentation, has led to the conclusion that this specific furniture, similarly to the other artifacts of precious metals, were liquidated in order to cover the needs for minting coins.

The ancient words κλίνη, στιβάς, although in use throughout time and particularly by Byzantine writers, are also found to have been used in the vernacular language as diminutives, i.e. κλινάριον, κλινίδιον, στιβάδιον. Of course, the term στιβάς, although it could also mean a bed in general (we know of the term used for ivory beds) , it mostly referred to any official or casual bedding, as opposed to κλίνη22. Moreover, these same words would mean the very same objects. In other instances, the terms κλίνη, στιβάς are equal to the term σκίμπους, which also stands for a bed. There is a possibility all is used randomly by the scholars in order to name not a certain piece of furniture, but simply a bedding. One ‘imperial’ example is enough to portray how the two social classes use bed terminology (rich – poor and humble, valuable – wooden), which is that of Emperor Maurice (582-602), who was renowned for his luxurious beds, but mostly his throne, the only heirloom on demonstration in the palace during the following centuries). Maurice is said to rest on a wooden bed, i.e. a common one, where the ruler sets the example of humility and denounce wealth. According to Simocattes, the Emperor set aside the gold beds with valuable stones, and laid all night on his ξύλινος σκίμπους, which once belonged to a holy man, and thus received blessing from this wooden bedding. It should be noted that unfortunately we do not have detailed descriptions of all this furniture, and seldom do we know of the material, such as in this case, where it is mentioned in an almost rhetorical manner in order to describe the wealth or poverty and humility of the user. Simocattes refers to a gold bed (κλίνην χρυσῆν) sent by Maurice to the Chagan, which was not accepted and was sent back; according to one opinion this was the κραββάτιον τῆς λύπης, i.e bed of sorrow.

Aristocratic homes in large cities of the Empire had luxury furniture, especially during the early Byzantine era (4th – 6th c.). Pieces from an ἀρμάριον, closet, were found in the port of Cenchreae (Saronic Gulf), as well as chairs and tables made of wood, metal and ivory of high quality, which belonged to a triclinium, brought probably from Egypt as part of the household of a high standing official (4th-5th c.) 26. When the rich aristocrats move towards large cities, mainly Constantinople, during the transitional period (7th-8th c.), furniture movement is limited. Apart from rare cases, the Byzantine capital was always the center and starting point for the transport of valuable furniture. According to the vita of saint Philaretus, his villa in Amnia near Gaggra of Paphlagonia had, during the early 8th century, τράπεζα ἐλεφαντίνη ἀρχαίαν περικεχρυσωμένην στρογγυλοειδῆ παμμεγέθη, ὡς καθέζεσθαι ἐν αὐτῇ ἄνδρας τριάκοντα ἕξ, i.e. “a large old round ivory (either entirely from ivory or covered with ivory slabs) and gilded table that could accommodate thirty-six men”. But this case is an exception. The author of the vita probably uses this description to state that the saint was a member of the aristocracy.

As for the Palace, although its furniture cannot be held as evidence of the medium or even upper class households, its indexing into the database, using as source the De cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae, is considered useful both for understanding the relative terminology found in other texts, and for showing how these particular pieces of furniture were used in a functional and ritual way in order to demonstrate imperial power. In the De cerimoniis, many types of furniture mentioned and their names continue the tradition of Late Antiquity, a period when the Greco-Roman koine is formed as a language with an evident influence from Roman administration. Thus, we find the known ancient terms δίφρος, θρόνος, καθέδρα, κλίνη, but also κράβαττος, ὑποπόδιον, τράπεζα, and the relatively later κάθισμα, τραπέζιον and παρατράπεζα, παρατράπεζον, παρατραπέζιον and the latin ἀκ(κ)ούβιτον, σελλίον, σένζον(ς), σκάμνος-σκαμνίον (μικρόν σκαμνίον, μακροσκαμνίον), σκρίνιον, ταβλίν.

The luxury furniture of the Byzantine palace played an instrumental role in the carrying out the ritual ceremony of the Hieron Palation. Thrones (imperial throne) and other imperial seatings (σέν(τ)ζος, σέν(τ)ζον, σέσσος from the latin sessus, sella curulis), tables, beds, cabinets or pantries (πυργίον, πενταπύργιον), continuously reappear in the description of imperial rituals, sometimes carried from room to room or between palaces and churches. The material they were made of, the shape, the size and their use are all given in detail. Actually, imperial furniture, together with the mechanical automata, were peculiar items, and they have always made us wonder, at least as they are described in these amazingly extravagant accounts: were they true? Or were they a legend? Therefore, the palace had various majestic thrones and the Emperor’s gold table from precious stones and pearls (βασιλικὸν τραπέζιον χρυσοῦν διὰ λίθων καὶ μαργαριταρίων), but other smaller or larger gold tables. It is noteworthy that there is absolutely no mention of tables, beds and seats from ivory, but we come across ivory doors and slabs, and we generally know that there was a large number of ivory chests and boxes. Certain κρεββάτια, σκαμνία, and τραπέζια that the Emperor took with him at military campaigns are described as συστελτά, ἵνα καθέζονται εἰς ἓν ἕκαστον σκαμνίον ἄνδρες γʹ (flexed, and able to accommodate three men on one seat).

In De cerimoniis, there are pieces of furniture mentioned, the specific use and names of which appear in no other text, and they were probably used in no other place than the palace. Thus, there are mentions of furniture and vessels of peculiar making and use, some with a particular symbolism, such as the various σένζα of the old emperors, and the κραββάτιον τῆς λύπης, κραββάτιον τῆς χαρᾶς, κανοθήκη, πυργίοv, πενταπύργιον, ποτηροπλύτης that could be found in the same palace room with a deeply symbolic presence; if they were usable, we definitely do not know how. Among all these, the unique πενταπύργιον, “this famous work of art” (περιφανές κτῆμα), was considered by Byzantinists to be a sort of vast wardrobe - a treasure – made of five towers «une sorte de vaste armoire – un tresor- composée de cinq tours».

The production of luxury Byzantine furniture during the middle Byzantine period was confined to Constantinople and the few remaining large cities. Although Alexandria, famous for its workshops of items of precious metal and ivory, passed into the hands of the Arabs, its key contribution to industry and trade did not cease. Ivory reached Alexandria from India and Africa from the Red Sea and the Nile. Trade and transport of precious metals and ivory through Alexandria was continued by individuals, the activity of who was always under state control. Written and archeological evidence shows, however, that the fine art of luxury furniture continued to develop in Constantinople, together with miniature metal work. An altar made of silver and gold was ordered in Constantinople by Doge Peter I Orseolo (976-978), and a Pala d’Oro (antependium, placed behind the altar) for the doges’ church by Ordelafo Falier (1105), while brass doors with impressed silver decorations were exported from the Byzantine capital to Italy (Amalfi, Monte Cassino, Venice, etc, 1060-1100). The sale of furniture from Constantinople to markets in Egypt and Palestine are also attested. The trade of furniture throughout the entire middle Byzantine period appears to have stable exchange locations, with Constantinople holding the key position in the network, through which all furniture, particularly, the pieces of high artistic and trade value, were bought and sold.

Furniture as a social network of knowledge from antiquity to the preindustrial era

Supervisor: Dimitris Dimitropoulos

Contributor:Filippa Chorozi

Within the framework of the present project, “Krepis Kyrtou plegmata,” there has been an effort to register and index Modern Greek historical documents in order to collect terms referring to domestic furniture. Published notarial records, ecclesiastical codices, and unbound notarial and other legal documents (matrimonial contracts, testimonies, inventories, estate records catalogues) have been indexed so as to locate terms referring to domestic furniture. Those documents date from the 16th, 17th, 18th and early 19th century to the establishment of the Greek state and originate from a broad geographical spectrum, including island and mainland regions.

The registration has so far provided 207 entries of different nominal definitions of furniture. All words have been homogenized according to the most common or dominant version of each term and following the monotonic (single-accent) system; yet the different pronunciations or versions of each word have been retained, e.g. the Greek term for “bench,” “pagkos,” is found as “pagos,” “bagos,” or “bangos.”

Each term describing a piece of furniture is registered following the earliest document of every area and—if traced in later documents of the same area—it is repeated to provide further complementary information or its variations. For instance, the term “armari” (armoire, cupboard, closet, chest) appears in the first document from Herakleion, found in a will drawn in 1512, but is also registered in later documents of the same region, bearing additional or supplementary details regarding its use (“armari fournidon” [equipped cupboard], or “armari talpedenon” [cupboard made of talpon, strong wood]. The term is also registered when found in documents of other areas so that its geographical dispersion is noted. Thus, a total of 58 unique terms, describing different pieces of furniture or variations of furniture have been located.

The geographical dispersion of the documents examined is rather wide, yet it will be further completed and expanded as this research project continues, since it is crucial for the validity of any results that may emerge from the use of the digital application. In the current stage of the project, the documents registered are of the following origin:

- Crete: Rethymno, Chania, Herakleion and nearby villages or settlements.

- The Cyclades: Andros, Thera, Ios, Kea, Kimolos, Melos, Naxos, Paros, Sifnos.

- The Sporades: Skyros.

- Islands of the north-eastern Aegean Sea: Lesvos, Chios.

- The Ionian Islands: Corfu, Cephalonia.

- The Dodecanese: Patmos.

- Central (Continental) Greece: Athens, Salamina (Salamis).

- Thessaly and Macedonia: Larisa, Trikala, Tyrnavos, Siatista.

The following students collaborated in the indexing of documents as part of their practical training program: Eva Valavani, Vasiliki Varsou, Heracles Kordatzakis-Kourtovik, Lamprini Pashenti, Dimitra Christaki.


(includes only the works indexed for the needs of the digital application)

Ανδρέας Αμάραντος Νοταριακές Πράξεις Αρακλί Κεφαλονιάς (1548-1562), (Andreas Amarantos Notarial Deeds in Arakli, Cephalonia [1548-1562]), eds. N. Moschonas, Ch. Vagionakis, O. Katsivela, D. Michalaga, B. Belavgeni, M. Bletas, Athens 2001.

Ανέκδοτα Ανδριακά έγγραφα του δεκάτου έκτου αιώνος, (Unpublished Documents from Seventeenth Century Andros), ed. D. Polemis, Andros 1999.

antoniadis x., Προίκα και προικοσύμφωνα στη Σκύρο επί Τουρκοκρατίας, Επετηρίς Κέντρου Ερεύνης Ιστορίας Ελληνικού Δικαίου 31 (“Dowry and marriage contracts in Skyros Under Turkish Rule,” The Yearbook of the Centre for Research of Greek Law History 31), (1995), 151-248.

Αρχείο εγγράφων Σκύρου, (Document Archive of Skiros), ed. x. antoniadis, Athens 1990.

visvizis i., Αι μεταξύ συζύγων περιουσιακαί σχέσεις εις την Χίον κατά την Τουρκοκρατίαν, Επετηρίς του Αρχείου Ιστορίας Ελληνικού Δικαίου 1 (“Estate Arrangements Between Spouses in Chios under Turkish Rule,” The Yearbook of the Archive of Greek Law History 1), (1948), 1-164.

visvizis i., Το κληρονομικόν δικαίωμα των συζύγων επί ατέκνου γάμου εις την Πάρον κατά τον 18ον αιώνα, Επετηρίς του Αρχείου της Ιστορίας του Ελληνικού Δικαίου 8 (“Hereditary Rights of Spouses in Childless Marriages in Eighteenth Century Paros,” The Yearbook of the Archive of Greek Law History 8), (1958), 135-203.

Γιάκουμος Σουριάνος Νοτάριος Κάστρου Κατάστιχο 1570-1598 (Giakoumos Sourianos, Notary of Castle, Registry 1570-1598), ed. St. Zapanti, Argostoli 2001.

Εμμανουήλ Τοξότης Νοτάριος Κερκύρας Πράξεις (1500-1503), (Emmanuel Toxotes Notary of Corfu Deeds (1500-1503) eds. S. Pantazi, E. Aggelomati-Tsougaraki, G. Mavromatis, Corfu 2007.

Drakakis A., ed. Η Σύρος επί Τουρκοκρατίας. Η δικαιοσύνη και το δίκαιον, Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Κυκλαδικών Μελετών 6 (Syros Under Turkish Rule. Justice and Law. The Yearbook of the Association of Cycladic Studies 6) (1967), 63-492.

Kavvadas st., Οι κώδικες της Χίου (The Codices of Chios), Chios 1950.

Kassimatis K.P., Λαογραφικά σύλλεκτα εξ Ίου, Λαογραφία 2 (Folklore Collected from Ios, Folklore 2), (1910), 591-637.

Kyriakou D., Άνδρος ιστορία και πολιτισμός (Andros: History and Civilization), Athens 1966.

Κώδιξ Μητροπόλεως Σισανίου και Σιατίστης ιζ΄- ιθ΄ αι. (The Codex of the Metropolitan Church of Sisanion and Siatista 17th-18th century), ed. N. Pantazopoulos, Thessaloniki 1974.

Μανόλης Βαρούχας Νοταριακές Πράξεις Μοναστηράκι Αμαρίου (1597-1613), (Manolis Varouhas, Notarial Deeds, Monastiraki Amariou [1597-1613]), eds. w. bakker, a.van gemert, Rethymnon 1987.

Μανουήλ Γρηγορόπουλος Νοτάριος Χάνδακα 1506-1532 (Manouil Grigoropoulos, Notary of Handakas 1506-1532), eds. S. Kaklamanis, S. Lampakis, Herakleion 2003.

Ναξιακά δικαιοπρακτικά έγγραφα του 17 αιώνος, Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Κυκλαδικών Μελετών 7 (17th Century Legal and Notarial Documents in Naxos,), ed. A. Katsouros, The Yearbook of the Association of Cycladic Studies 7, (1968), 24-337.

Νεοελληνικό αρχείο Ι. Μονής Ιωάννου Θεολόγου Πάτμου. Κείμενα για την τεχνική και την τέχνη (Modern Greek Archive of Ioannis Theologos Monastery of Patmos. Texts on Technique and Art. Eds. S. Papadopoulos, Ch. Florentis, Athens 1990.

Νοταριακές πράξεις Φιλώτου Παπα-Στέφανου Αρώνη (1716-1742), τ. 1 (The Acts of Father Stephanos Aronis, Notary of Philoti, Naxos, [1716-1742], vol. 1.), eds. St. Emellos, S. Psarras, Athens 2011.

Νοτάριος Καστελίου Φούρνης Κατάστιχο 43 (1607-1653), (Notary of Castelli Fourni, Register 43 [1607-1653]), eds. K. Iliakis, G. Mavromatis, D. Georgakopoulos, Father Ioan. Katzaras, Herakleion 2008.

Ο Κώδικας της Μητροπόλεως Λαρίσης ΕΒΕ 1472: 1647-1868, (The codex of the Metropolitan Church of Larissa, National Library of Greece 1472: 1647-1868), ed. D. Kalousios, Larisa 2009.

Ο Κώδικας της Τρίκκης 1688-1857 (The codex of Trikky 1688-1857), ed. D. Kalousios, Larisa 2005.

Ο κώδιξ του Νοταρίου Αθηνών Παναγή Πούλου 1822-1833, επιμ. πετρόπουλος γ., [Μνημεία Μεταβυζαντινού Δικαίου 1], (The Codex of Panaghis Poulos, Notary of Athens, 1822-1833, [Monuments of Post-Byzantine Law 1], ed. G. Petropoulos, Athens 1957.

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[1] Richter G. M. A., The Furniture of the Greeks, Etruscans and Romans, New York 1966.

[2] Cahill N., Household and City Organization at Olynthus, New Haven-London 2002.

[3] Σισμανίδης K., Κλίνες και κλινοειδείς κατασκευές των Μακεδονικών τάφων, Αθήνα 1997.

[4] Andrianou D., The Furniture and Furnishings of Ancient Greek Houses and Tombs, Cambridge 2009.

[5] Andrianou, The Furniture, 111-112.

[6] Rebay-Salisbury K. - Brysbaert Α. - Foxhall L. (επιμ.), Knowledge Networks and Craft Traditions in the Ancient World, Material Crossovers, New York 2015.

[7] Aποδελτίωση από το

[8] Κωνσταντίνος Πορφυρογέννητος, Ἔκθεσις τῆς βασιλείου τάξεως, Reiske J. (έκδ.), Constantini Porphyrogeniti imperatoris de cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae libri duo [Corpus scriptorum historiae Byzantinae], Bonn 1829, όπου και παραπέμπουμε. Vogt Α. (έκδ.), Le livre des cérémonies, τ. 1-2, Paris 1935-1939 (ανατ. 1967) και Haldon J. F. (έκδ.), Constantine Porphyrogenitus: Three treatises on imperial military expeditions, Vienna 1990. Πρόκειται για έργο που συντάχθηκε από τους ανώτατους υπαλλήλους, στο μεγαλύτερο μέρος του επί Κωνσταντίνου Ζ΄ (913-959), προκειμένου να εξυπηρετήσει το πρωτόκολλο της βυζαντινής αυλής. Αποτελείται από πολλά μέρη που έχουν συνταχθεί από τον 6ο αιώνα και μετά. Περιγράφουν τις επίσημες τελετές στο Παλάτιο, την Αγία Σοφία και σε άλλα σημεία της βυζαντινής πρωτεύουσας και γίνονται συχνά αναφορές σε πολύτιμα έπιπλα που ανήκουν στον εξοπλισμό των ανακτόρων της Κωνσταντινούπολης.

[9] Kυρίλλος Αλεξανδρείας, Επιστολές, Schwartz Ε. (έκδ.), Collectio Casinensis στο: Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum 1.4, Βerlin 1932-33, 224-22 και St. Cyril of Alexandria, Letters 51–110, αγγλ. μετ. McEnerney J. I. [The Fathers of the Church, 76], Washington DC 2007, 151-153· Διαθήκη Θεοδοσίου και Θεοδούλου Σκαράνου, Bompaire J. (έκδ.), στο: Actes de Xéropotamou [Archives de l'Athos III], Paris 1964, 79-87.

[10] Βλ. σχετική πλούσια αποδελτίωση των συγγραφέων αυτών στο: Κουκουλές Φ., Βυζαντινῶν βίος καὶ πολιτισμός, τόμ. Β2, Αθήνα 1948, 60-85.

[11] Batiffol P., Les présents de saint Cyrille à la cour de Constantinople, Bulletin d'ancienne littérature et d'archéologie chrétiennes, 1 (1911), 247-264· Brown P., Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire, Madison 1992, 15-17· Rodziewicz E., Ivory, bone, glass and other production at Alexandria, 5th-9th centuries, στο: Byzantine Trade, 4th-12th Centuries. The Archaeology of Local, Regional and International Exchange. Papers of the Thirty-eighth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, St John's College, University of Oxford, March 2004, επιμ. Mundell Mango M., Aldershot 2009, 83-95.

[12] Πάπυρος Michael. Gr. 18, 8 (χρονολόγηση 225-275).

[13] Πάπυρος BGU 1 40, 8 (2ος-3ος αιώνας).

[14] Πάπυρος Sammelb. 429· δίφρου τετραπόδου καὶ κουρικοῦ ξυλίνου: πάπυρος Oxy.646 (2ος μ.Χ. αιώνας). Πάπυρος SB 8 9834 b, r40 (χρονολόγηση 300-325). Για την τράπεζα κουρική, βλ. πάπυρος Michael. Gr. 18, 11 (3ος μ.Χ. αιώνας).

[15] Για όλα τα παραπάνω, βλ. αναλυτικότερα τη βάση επίπλων στην Κρηπίδα.

[16] Rodziewicz, Ιvory, bone, glass, 83-96.

[17] Kαρδαράς Γ. Θ., Το Βυζάντιο και οι Άβαροι, ΣΤ΄-Θ΄ αι. Πολιτικές, διπλωματικές και πολιτισμικές σχέσεις [ΕΙΕ/ΙΒΕ, Μονογραφίες 15], Αθήνα 2010, 70, 80. Βλ. Daim F., Avars and Avar archaeology an introduction, στο: Goetz H.-W - Jarnut J. - Pohl W., με τη συνεργασία του Kaschke S. (επιμ.), Regna and Gentes. Τhe Relationship between Late Antique and Early Medieval Peoples and Kingdoms in the Transformation of the Roman World, Leiden-Boston 2003, 463-569. Βλ. επίσης Hardt M., Nomadische Gier nach Gold: Jahrgelder, Burgundenuntergang und Awarenschatz vor dem Hintergrund einer mobilen Lebensweise, στο: Weiß A. (επιμ.), Der imaginierte Nomade [Nomaden und Sesshafte 8], Wiesbaden 2007, 105–519. Ευχαριστώ τον Γ. Καρδαρά για την υπόδειξη του τελευταίου άρθρου.

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[19] Θεοφύλακτος Σιμοκάττης, Ιστορίαι, 5, 3.7, 193.

[20] Θεοφύλακτος Σιμοκάττης, Ιστορίαι, 6, 4.4, 226.

[21] Θεοφύλακτος Σιμοκάττης, Ιστορίαι,3, 6.11, 121.

[22] Βασίλειος Καισαρείας, Courtonne Y. (έκδ.), Saint Basile. Homélies sur la richesse, Paris 1935, §4. 43.

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[24] Για την διαφορετική χρήση των στιβάς και Kline από τους αρχαίους, βλ. Paradiso Α., Forme di dipendenza nel mondo greco: Ricerche sul VI libro di Ateneo, Bari 1991, 31-36 και Poulsen Β., Möbel für das Kultmahl: Kline-lectus-stibas, στο: Balty J. Ch. (έκδ.), Thesaurus cultus et rituum antiquorum (ThesCRA), Los Angeles 2005, 358-362.

[25] Θεοφύλακτος Σιμοκάττης, Ιστορίαι 7, 6.5, 255

[26] Θεοφύλακτος Σιμοκάττης, Ιστορίαι, 1, 3.11-13, 46. Βλ. Angar M., Furniture and Imperial Ceremony in the Great Palace: Revisiting the pentapyrgion, στο: Featherstone Μ. - κ.ά (επιμ.), The Emperor’s House. Palaces from Augustus to the Age of Absolutism, Berlin 2015, 181–200, και εδώ 186.

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[28] Rydén L., The Life of St. Philaretos the Merciful written by his grandson Niketas, Uppsala 2002, 418-420, 86.

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[30] Για το θέμα αυτό βλ. τα υπό έκδοση άρθρα μας στον τόμο: A Cultural History of Furniture in Antiquity, επιμ. Andrianou D.

[31] Angelidi C., Designing Receptions in the Palace (De Cerimoniis 2.15), στο: Beihammer Α. - Constantinou S. - Parani M. (επιστ. επιμ.), Court Ceremonies and Rituals of Power in Byzantium and the Medieval World. Comparative Perspectives, Leiden-Boston, 2013, 465-485.

[32] Dagron G., Trônes pour un empereur, στο: Βυζάντιο. Κράτος και Κοινωνία, Μνήμη Νίκου Οικονομίδη, επιμ. Αβραμέα A. - Λαϊου A. - Χρυσός E., Αθήνα 2003, 179-203.

[33] Dagron G., Architecture d’intérieur: le Pentapyrgion, Travaux et Mémoires 15 (2005), 109-117. Βλ. και Angar, Furniture, 181-200.

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[35] Τακτικὸν Escorial, The Escorial Taktikon, Oikonomidès N. (έκδ.), Les listes de préséance byzantines des ΙΧe et Χe siècles: introduction, texte, traduction et commentaire, Paris 1972, 275. 6-7.

[36] Κωνσταντίνος Πορφυρογέννητος, Ἔκθεσις τῆς βασιλείου τάξεως (έκδ. Reiske), 465-466• Haldon, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, C, 168-170, 104. Βλ. Κουκουλές, Βυζαντινῶν βίος, τόμ. Β2, 77.

[37] Vogt, τ. I, 103-104; Dagron Architecture d’intérieur, 109-117; Angar, Furniture, 181-200.

[38] Guillou Α., Ο Βυζαντινός Πολιτισμός, μετ. Odorico P. - Τσοχανταρίδου Σ., Αθήνα 1996, 112.

[39] Rodziewicz Ε., Ivory, 83-95.

[40] Cutler, Η παραγωγή έργων τέχνης, 291· Goitein S. D., A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, τ. 1: Economic Foundations, Berkeley-Los Angeles 1967, 46· Laiou A. E. - Morrisson C., The Byzantine Economy, Cambridge 2007.

Research directed by: Dimitra Andrianou, Elias Anagnostakis, Maria Leontsini, Dimitris Dimitropoulos. Collaborators: Christos Makripoulias, Filippa Chorozi. GIS Cartography: Panagiotis Stratakis